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Creators/Authors contains: "Tober, Diane"

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  1. Abstract PurposeTo evaluate self-reported survey data provided by US oocyte donors on their experiences with ovarian hyperstimulation syndrome and possible correlations between OHSS severity and number of oocytes retrieved, trigger type, and prior OHSS history. MethodsAn 85-question retrospective survey was administered online. Survey questions included demographic information, reasons for donating, immediate per-cycle experiences and outcomes, perceptions of informed consent, and perceived impact of donation on long-term health. Quantitative Data for this study was collected between February 2019 and September 2020 via QualtricsXM(January 2019), an online survey platform. Follow-up interviews were also conducted. Participants were recruited via fertility clinics, egg donation agencies, and online forum. The research was approved by the University of California, San Francisco Institutional Review Board (#14-14765). ResultsOf 420 initiated US oocyte donor online surveys, 289 (68%) respondents provided detailed information on per cycle experiences with ovarian hyperstimulation syndrome, number of oocytes retrieved, and trigger type over a total of 801 cycles. On cycles where donors reported receiving GnRH agonist triggers (n= 337), they reported milder OHSS compared to cycles with hCG or dual triggers. Among donors undergoing multiple retrieval cycles, the severity of OHSS in second cycles was strongly associated with OHSS severity in first cycles. ConclusionSelf-reported OHSS in oocyte donors is lower in GnRH antagonist stimulation protocols combined with GnRHa trigger and in cycles where donors reported fewer than 30 oocytes retrieved. Donors who reported severe OHSS on a prior cycle were significantly more likely to experience severe OHSS on a subsequent cycle. 
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  2. null (Ed.)
    In the transnational fertility industry, individuals have differently positioned bodies, ranked by race, class, education, socioeconomic status, gender, and citizenship. Different forms of labor support the transnational fertility market, bringing geopolitical, and social inequities to the fore. While some people need wombs, eggs, or sperm to create their families—and have the means to pay for third‐party reproductive services—others emerge as suppliers of reproductive labor, and still others as coordinators or service agents in the international fertility industry. Building upon contemporary feminist social science and postcolonial research on reproductive travel and labor, this article explores three intersecting components: the forces that influence reproductive travel and cross‐border egg donation; how emotion and meaning are framed in clinical settings to recruit a young, healthy, able‐bodied workforce; and the embodied experiences of women who travel across borders to provide eggs for pay. Drawing upon donor and professional interviews, and multisited online and ethnographic fieldwork in fertility clinics, we explore the linkages between emotional choreography and the creation of a bioavailable workforce for the global fertility trade. Here, we examine how local and cross‐border egg provision illuminate global reproductive hierarchies—what we call “reproductive colonialism”—in transnational reproduction. 
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  3. null (Ed.)
  4. Abstract Regulations governing assisted reproduction control the degree to which gamete donation is legal and how people providing genetic material are selected and compensated. The United States and Spain are both global leaders in fertility treatment with donor oocytes. Yet both countries take different approaches to how egg donation is regulated. The US model reveals a hierarchically organized form of gendered eugenics. In Spain, the eugenic aspects of donor selection are more subtle. Drawing upon fieldwork in the United States and Spain, this article examines (1) how compensated egg donation operates under two regulatory settings, (2) the implications for egg donors as providers of bioproducts, and (3) how advances in oocyte vitrification enhances the commodity quality of human eggs. By comparing these two reproductive bioeconomies we gain insight into how different cultural, medical, and ethical frameworks intersect with egg donor embodied experiences. 
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